ICAS Maritime Affairs Handbill (online ISSN 2837-3901, print ISSN 2837-3871) is published the last Tuesday of the month throughout the year at 1919 M St NW, Suite 310, Washington, DC 20036.
The online version of ICAS Maritime Affairs Handbill can be found at chinaus-icas.org/icas-maritime-affairs-program/map-handbill/.
January 23 – Euronews
[NATO, Denmark, Greenland]
NATO chief, Mark Rutte, and Danish Prime Minister, Mette Frederiksen, agreed that the alliance should boost work on security within the Arctic region after U.S. President Donald Trump’s retracted threats to seize Greenland. This comes after the announcement of a “framework” deal with officials stating that NATO boosting security within the Arctic was part of the plan. Frederiksen stated that NATO allies agreed on the need for a “permanent presence” within the Arctic.
In Greenland, US-NATO deal met with relief, mistrust
January 21 – DW
[United States, NATO, Greenland]
A “framework” agreement between the U.S. and NATO regarding Greenland was announced on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum. While there has been no clear, public document of the deal released so far, according to the U.S. there was an agreement on safeguarding American interests within the Arctic. This involves military, strategic, and economic issues, although no mention of the acquisition of Greenland.
Russia’s top diplomat says NATO faces a deep crisis over Greenland
January 20 – AP News
[Russia, Greenland]
Russia’s Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, stated at a news conference that the bid by U.S. President Donald Trump for Greenland heralds a “deep crisis” for NATO and the strength of the alliance. Lavrov commented that it was hard to imagine before that one NATO member would attack a fellow member. He furthered that Trump’s actions have upended the very concept of “rule-based global order” which Russia has long criticized about the West.
Danish Navy and Icelandic Coast Guard Conduct Exercises in Arctic Response
January 19 – The Maritime Executive
[Denmark, Iceland]
The Royal Danish Navy conducted exercises with the Icelandic Coast Guard, as part of an ongoing mutual training and a prelude to a larger NATO exercise in Greenland, to demonstrate regional strength in response to Trump’s aggressive actions. These patrols are happening as NATO launches a “limited deployment” to Greenland and increasing Arctic security in response to Trump.
Nordic Officials Reject Trump’s Claims Of Russian And Chinese Ships Near Greenland
January 12 – Marine Insight
[Norway, U.S.]
Denmark’s Foreign Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen rejected U.S. President Donald Trump’s claims that Russian and Chinese ships are operating near Greenland. These claims come in tandem with Trump’s assertion that the United States must take ownership of Greenland to stop Russia or China from occupying the strategically important and mineral-rich island.
South Korea Plans First Arctic Container Ship Test Voyage via Russia’s Northern Sea Route
January 12 – High North News
[South Korea]
South Korea announced plans to send a container ship through Russia’s Northern Sea Route (NSR) for the first time. The voyage is expected to take place later this year in September when the sea ice in the Arctic is at its lowest coverage. This trial voyage emphasizes South Korea’s ambitions to play a larger role in Arctic shipping and test if the NSR can reshape Asia-Europe trade.
Norway and Greenland Agree on Fisheries Cooperation and Quota Exchange
January 12 – High North News
[Norway, Greenland]
Norway and Greenland reached a quota agreement for 2026, reporting a reduction from the quotas in 2025. According to Norway’s Minister for Fisheries and Ocean Policy, Marianne Siversten Naess, this agreement comes at a time of crucial cooperation between Norway and Greenland to responsibly manage ocean resources.
White House Draws Up Plans to Acquire Greenland as Trump Revives Territorial Ambitions
January 7 – High North News
[U.S., Greenland]
The White House is actively drawing up diplomatic, economic, and even military measures to acquire Greenland, calling it a “national security priority.” This move comes as the United States’ operation in Venezuela has intensified fears that the Trump Administration’s Arctic ambitions may extend beyond rhetoric.
Melting Ice Opens Up New Areas of the Canadian Arctic
January 4 – The Maritime Executive
[Canada]
As climate change continues to affect the Arctic, waters of the Canadian high north have become navigable for the first time. Regions such as those around Queen Elizabeth Islands and western Tuvaijuittuq have recently become accessible to enter and explore. However, northern indigenous communities face the greatest exposure to the melting ice and risk destabilizing their food security.
Tensions in the Arctic escalated in early January due to President Trump’s renewed call to acquire Greenland as a matter of “national security.” This proposal was swiftly met by pushback from European allies. NATO allies have increased their presence in the Arctic region with the Royal Danish Navy and the Icelandic Coast Guard conducting joint patrols and training exercises as part of an ongoing push for more bilateral cooperation. Denmark’s foreign minister, Lars Lokke Rasmussen, publicly rejected the Trump administration’s claims that Russian and Chinese ships were operating near Greenland’s waters, stressing that intelligence has shown no naval activity in the area. Despite Denmark’s objections, the White House is reportedly in the process of drawing up diplomatic, economic, and military measures in order to acquire the territory.
Furthermore, concerns over China and Russia’s expanding footprint within the Arctic remains central to the Trump administration’s justification for its Greenland proposal. U.S. officials argue that this expanding activity poses a threat to “national security”. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte stressed that although they firmly reject proposals of the U.S. acquiring Greenland, the alliance “will ensure that the Chinese and the Russians will not gain access” to the Greenland economy or military infrastructure. At the same time, Denmark and NATO have pushed back against this framing.
Beyond security politics, environmental changes continue to shape activity in the Arctic region. In early January, Canadian authorities reported that the melting ice in the Arctic has opened previously inaccessible waters, including Queen Elizabeth Islands and western Tuvaijuittuq. While this creates opportunities for navigation and exploration, it also carries significant risks. Northern Indigenous communities face heightened exposure to environmental destabilizing and food insecurity. These developments highlight how climate change is affecting strategic and commercial interest in the Arctic.
Taiwan launches firepower hub with US as Beijing steps up military pressure
January 26 – South China Morning Post
[Taiwan, United States, China]
Taiwan is ramping up coordination with U.S.-made weapons systems and locally developed missile capabilities through the new Joint Firepower Coordination Centre. This comes as military pressure from Beijing intensifies. When asked to comment on the centre the Taiwanese Defence Minister, Wellington Koo Li-hsiung, stated that this cooperation was nothing new.
China saves Filipino sailors near South China Sea shoal
January 23 – DW
[China, Philippines]
China and the Philippines have been searching for survivors in the South China Sea after a vessel capsized near the Scarborough Shoal which was carrying 21 Filipinos. Both countries deployed vessels and aircrafts for the rescue operation. This joint operation took place amid ongoing territorial tensions between China and the Philippines over the contested Scarborough Shoal.
Thousands of Chinese Fishing Boats Quietly Form Vast Sea Barriers
January 16 – The New York Times
[China, Japan, Taiwan]
More than 1,000 fishing vessels mobilized in coordinated formations in the East China Sea between January 9 and 12, raising concerns that Beijing is expanding the use of its maritime militia to assert control in contested waters near Japan and Taiwan.
Japan, Philippines sign new security pacts as regional tensions rise
January 15 – Reuters
[Japan, Philippines]
The Philippines and Japan signed two defense contracts to strengthen security cooperation in response to the rising regional tensions. Japan has voiced their concerns and backed recent moves made by the Philippines within the South China Sea. Both nations said they recognize the value of promoting the rule of law and cooperation particularly in the Taiwan Strait.
US Aircraft Carrier in South China Sea Could Be Heading for Iran
January 15 – Newsweek
[United States, China, Philippines, Iran]
Satellite imagery shows the U.S. aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln operating in the South China Sea before reportedly being ordered to redeploy to the Middle East amid escalating tensions with Iran. The carrier’s presence near contested waters involving China and the Philippines underscores the overlapping security pressures facing Washington as it balances Indo-Pacific deterrence with growing instability in the Middle East.
American supercarrier ‘opens fire’ in Pacific
January 14 – Australian Naval Institute
[United States]
The USS Abraham Lincoln carried out live-fire exercises in the South China Sea as part of routine operations by the carrier strike group. The U.S. Navy said that the strike group is operating in the U.S. 7th Fleet area of responsibility, where forces conduct regular patrols and tests meant to deter aggression and reinforce alliances.
January 13 – Global Times
[China, Philippines]
The Chinese Embassy has rejected the latest statement from the Philippine National Maritime Council’s (NMC) on the situation in the South China Sea. The NMC claimed that tensions within the area are a direct result of China’s activities within the “maritime zones” of the Philippines. In response, the deputy spokesperson of the Chinese Embassy remarked that these claims are misleading as there is no concept of a “maritime zone” under the United National Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
China Expands Antelope Reef, Rekindling South China Sea Tensions
January 13 – StratNews Global
[China]
According to satellite imagery, China has resumed dredging and land reclamation activity at Antelope Reef in late 2025. The Antelope Reef, also known as Linyang Jiao, lies in the Paracel Islands, an archipelago that is claimed by Vietnam and Taiwan. The images reportedly show sand and sediment being deposited around the existing outpost, suggesting that there is an effort to enlarge and improve the facilities.
January 13 – USNI News
[Japan, United States, China]
Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi and Commander of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, Admiral Samuel Paparo, met at the Indo-Pacific Command headquarters in Hawaii to strengthen the bilateral alliance amid security challenges. Koizumi is the first Japanese defense minister to attend the Honolulu Defense Forum. In his speech, he called on “like-minded” Indo-Pacific nations to link defenses and capability efforts to counter growing regional tensions and potential conflict.
Sea robbery cases in Straits of Malacca and Singapore hit highest 19-year record
January 12 – Shipping Telegraph
[Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, Bangladesh, Philippines, India]
In 2025, the number of sea robbery cases in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore (SOMS) rose to 108 incidents, marking the highest number of incidents recorded in the SOMS since 2007. According to the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP), this is a 74% increase from 2024.
India boosts Southeast Asia military ties, Indo-Pacific role
January 6 – Defense News
[India, Philippines, Indonesia, Vietnam, United States, China]
India is deepening military and defense cooperation with Southeast Asian countries, including Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam, by expanding arms sales, training programs, and joint exercises as part of its growing role in the Indo-Pacific. The outreach, highlighted by BrahMos missile deals and closer U.S.–India defense coordination, reflects regional efforts to diversify security partnerships and strengthen deterrence amid ongoing maritime disputes with China in the South China Sea.
Recent developments across the Indo-Pacific point to heightened strategic activity in contested maritime spaces, as multiple regional and extra-regional actors expand their presence, clarify legal positions, and strengthen security partnerships amid growing uncertainty at sea. These dynamics are unfolding across the region, shaping an increasingly complex operating environment as some states have pursued broader security adjustments.
At the start of the month, Japan and the Philippines signed new defense agreements aimed at strengthening coordination and reinforcing maritime security, while Japan has advanced a networked-security agenda linking like-minded Indo-Pacific partners. India has similarly deepened its engagement in Southeast Asia through arms sales, training programs, and joint exercises, positioning itself as an increasingly active security partner. U.S. naval operations have remained a visible and structural feature of the regional landscape, contributing to deterrence while also reinforcing a more militarized maritime environment.
In Northeast Asia, reports indicate that large numbers of Chinese fishing vessels coalesced in coordinated formations in the East China Sea, raising concerns in Japan and Taiwan about the expanding role of maritime militia forces near disputed waters. At the same time, Taiwan has continued to enhance deterrence and coordination capabilities, including through the launch of a Joint Firepower Coordination Centre integrating U.S.-supplied systems with locally developed missile assets.
Further south, maritime competition has remained pronounced in the South China Sea. Satellite imagery and reporting suggest renewed dredging and land-reclamation activity at Antelope Reef in the Paracel Islands, highlighting continued investment in physical infrastructure by claimants to reinforce positions at sea. Alongside these developments, legal and diplomatic contestation has persisted, with Beijing rejecting Manila’s legal framing and terminology regarding maritime claims, underscoring ongoing disagreements over sovereignty and the interpretation of international law. Despite these tensions, China and the Philippines conducted a joint search-and-rescue operation following the capsizing of a vessel carrying Filipino sailors near the contested Scarborough Shoal, with both sides working together deploying ships and aircrafts for a search effort that saved a majority of lives on board.
Taken together, these developments reflect an Indo-Pacific security environment characterized by sustained strategic signaling, expanding multilateral coordination, collaborative first responses, and continued contestation in key maritime spaces. Maritime domains remain central to regional order, with stability increasingly dependent on how states manage both competition and coordination at sea.
Maritime Piracy Surges in 2025 as Singapore Straits Emerges as World’s Most Dangerous Waters
January 21 – gCaptain
[Singapore]
Within the past year, the ICC International Maritime Bureau has documented 137 privacy incidents, marking a concerning upward trend in maritime security threats. The Singapore Straits accounted for more than half of all reported incidents globally. However, what sets these attacks apart from previous years incidents is their increasingly violent nature.
US forces seize a seventh Venezuela-linked oil tanker
January 21 – Al Jazeera
[U.S., Venezuela]
U.S. forces seized a seventh Venezuela-linked oil tanker as Washington intensified enforcement of sanctions and asserted control over Venezuelan oil exports, raising concerns regarding legality and sovereignty. The move follows escalating U.S. pressure on Venezuela and broader efforts to restrict oil shipments in the Caribbean.
Russia taunts US: UN should monitor ship attacks in Caribbean, not Red Sea
January 14 – Reuters
[Russia, United States, Venezuela, Yemen]
Russia criticized the United States at the U.N. Security Council, arguing that attacks on commercial shipping in the Caribbean linked to U.S. actions against Venezuela deserve monitoring rather than continued focus on the Red Sea. The exchange highlighted geopolitical tensions over freedom of navigation, sanctions enforcement, and competing priorities in global maritime security.
Turkish navy begins Black Sea mission amid Russia-Ukraine war
January 12 – Daily Sabah
[Turkey, Russia, Ukraine]
The Ministry of National Defense of Türkiye announced that four naval vessels began a major demining mission in the Black Sea. This mission is a part of the Mine Counter Measures (MCM) Black Sea Task Group formed by Türkiye, Romania, and Bulgaria. The MCM task force was formed to protect their coastlines and the concern of increasing attacks on vessels in the Black Sea.
Spain seizes 10 tonnes of cocaine in largest-ever maritime bust
January 12 – Euronews
[Spain]
On January 12th, Spanish police announced the largest cocaine seizure at sea in the force’s history after intercepting a Europe-bound container in the Atlantic carrying almost 10 tonnes hidden in salt shipments. Spanish police said that this investigation targeted a multinational organization allegedly dedicated to exporting large amounts of cocaine from South America to Europe.
China Condemns US Seizure Of Russian Oil Tanker, Calls It ‘Serious Violation’ Of International Law
January 9 – Marine Insight
[China, U.S., Russia]
China criticized the United States following the seizure of a Russian-flagged tanker, saying that the detaining of foreign oil tankers in international waters violates international law. Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, Mao Nin, stated that China opposes actions that violate the principles of the UN Charter or undermine the sovereignty of other nations.
U.S. sanctions 4 companies and oil tankers with ties to Venezuela
January 5 – Shipping Telegraph
[U.S., Venezuela]
The United States imposed sanctions on four companies and their associated oil tankers allegedly involved in transporting Venezuelan oil. These sanctions were put in place a couple of days before the capture of Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro by U.S. forces during a military operation within the country. These sanctions are meant to deny the firms and tankers access to any property or financial assets held in the U.S.
For years, ocean governance has been described in terms of gaps, fragmentation, and chronic under-enforcement. The more revealing story in 2025–2026 is a shift in what is being contested. Across several regimes, the core disputes are moving downstream from drafting norms to building compliance systems. Implementation is becoming observable and therefore political: who pays, who monitors, what counts as compliance, and how capacity and finance are mobilized across uneven capabilities.
The cases below are selected not as an exhaustive survey, but because each turns governance into a test of measurable compliance, cost allocation, and institutional capacity—where legal ambition must be translated into routines, data, and enforcement.
BBNJ: institutional design and capacity-building become operational tests
The first and most visible inflection point is the High Seas Treaty (BBNJ) which is scheduled to enter into force on 17 January 2026, alongside rapidly expanding participation. This transition matters because it pushes high seas governance from aspirational commitments to operational questions: how marine protected areas will be designated and managed; how environmental impact assessments will be standardized; how marine genetic resources and benefit-sharing will be handled; and how capacity-building and finance will be mobilized so that implementation does not become a de facto “club good.” In practice, BBNJ will test whether multilateralism can produce stable compliance expectations under conditions of major-power rivalry and persistent North–South distributional tensions. Put differently, BBNJ’s credibility will be judged less by the elegance of its text than by whether its institutions can make implementation legible, fundable, and enforceable in a politically fragmented system.
Shipping: decarbonization turns standards into burden-sharing politics
A second turning point is the accelerating “climate–ocean” coupling through shipping decarbonization. The International Maritime Organization has signaled a pathway toward an IMO Net-Zero Framework, with draft amendments moving through technical and political processes toward possible adoption. The governance significance is not rhetorical; it is structural. Once decarbonization is framed in rule-like terms, disputes shift to design and burden-sharing: the stringency and trajectory of standards, the allocation of compliance costs, technology pathways, and differentiated impacts across fleets, ports, and developing coastal states. Shipping, long treated as a sectoral issue, is increasingly an arena where climate goals, energy transition, and competitiveness interact directly with maritime governance.
A useful reminder from shipping governance is that legal ambition only becomes consequential through inspection routines and measurable compliance. Under MARPOL Annex VI and the Ballast Water Management Convention, outcomes hinge less on the existence of rules than on verification capacity, certification practices, and the density of port State control. In other words, the “hard part” of decarbonization and biosecurity is not norm-setting but building infrastructures of measurement, auditing, and enforcement that make evasion costly. If decarbonization is to become durable governance rather than episodic pledging, the decisive variable will be whether standards can be implemented in ways that are monitorable, comparable across jurisdictions, and resilient to competitive pressures.
Fisheries: from recognition to constraint—then to compliance and transparency
Third, fisheries governance is under growing pressure to move from pledge to constraint. The WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies has been framed as a step toward disciplining support linked to IUU fishing and overcapacity—an issue widely acknowledged as politically difficult. Yet implementation is where the real politics begins: how IUU-related conduct is determined; how transparency, notification, and peer review work in practice; and how uneven enforcement capacity affects outcomes. In this sense, fisheries subsidies are becoming a test case for whether “rules on paper” translate into measurable behavioral change, rather than symbolic convergence.
Fisheries governance also offers a clearer illustration of how treaty design can relocate authority to enforceable chokepoints. The FAO Port State Measures Agreement (PSMA) targets IUU fishing not primarily through aspirational commitments, but by operationalizing port inspections, denial of port entry or services, and information exchange. Its effectiveness varies with administrative capacity, intelligence sharing, and the political willingness to apply controls consistently. Hence, subsidy disciplines and port-based enforcement underscore a broader point: fisheries governance increasingly lives or dies on transparency systems, inspection practices, and capacity-building—where the distribution of monitoring capability shapes the distribution of restraint.
Plastics: marine environmental governance becomes supply-chain governance
Fourth, plastics treaty negotiations underscore that marine environmental governance is increasingly supply-chain dependent. Negotiations toward a global instrument on plastic pollution have highlighted debates that extend well beyond waste management: upstream polymers and additives, product design and standards for recyclability, trade-related measures, extended producer responsibility, and the tracking of cross-border waste flows. The eventual effectiveness of any plastics instrument will hinge on what regulatory tools it contains and—critically—how transition costs are distributed among producers, consumers, and states with vastly different regulatory and fiscal capacities. A regime that is ambitious on paper but weak on traceability, enforcement, and finance risks shifting burdens rather than reducing pollution.
The same implementation logic is visible in existing ocean pollution governance. Basel Convention controls on transboundary movements of plastic waste show how trade-facing rules can reshape incentives through classification, notification, and enforcement at borders, yet uneven capacity can displace burdens rather than reduce pollution overall. Meanwhile, the London Convention and London Protocol highlight a different regulatory challenge: governing marine disposal and contested interventions through permitting, precaution, and liability—where scientific uncertainty amplifies disputes over evidence thresholds and responsibility. The plastics debate thus exemplifies implementation politics in its purest form: the hard questions are not only about environmental goals, but about verification, traceability, and who bears compliance costs across the supply chain.
Deep-sea mining: uncertainty governance under strategic and resource pressure
Fifth, deep-sea mining continues to expose the hardest governance dilemma: managing profound scientific uncertainty under resource and strategic pressure. The International Seabed Authority remains central as the Mining Code continues to be negotiated, while broader political signals, including high-profile national decisions to slow, pause, or reassess seabed mining such as Norway’s, show how domestic legitimacy and risk perceptions can reshape trajectories. The core question is whether global institutions can define acceptable evidence thresholds, monitoring requirements, and liability expectations before large-scale extraction begins, rather than after ecological impacts become difficult to reverse. Deep-sea mining is therefore less a niche sectoral debate than a stress test of whether multilateral institutions can operationalize precaution and accountability when incentives for early mover advantage are strong.
The rise of “implementation politics”
The pattern is clear: ocean governance is moving into an “implementation politics” phase. In this phase, norms and procedures do not automatically stabilize order; instead, they become contested variables alongside capability and power. Data infrastructure, monitoring capacity, finance, and technology transfer are no longer peripheral; they are the mechanisms through which governance becomes real.
The Antarctic Treaty System offers a useful parallel. Under CCAMLR, ecosystem-based conservation and proposals such as large marine protected areas may be argued primarily on scientific grounds, yet outcomes often turn on consensus decision rules, compliance tools, and the distributional politics of fishing access. The Antarctic reminder is straightforward: institutional procedure and enforcement capacity can be as decisive as substantive ambition.
This issue’s Flagship Analysis was written by Nong Hong, Executive Director and Senior Fellow at ICAS.
Tensions between the United States and Venezuela have been escalating for decades and are rooted in disputes over democratic governance, economic sanctions, and control of Venezuela’s oil reserves. Bilateral relations between the United States and Venezuela began to deteriorate after President Hugo Chávez’s rise to power in 1999 due to him campaigning on an anti-US and anti-establishment platform. In 2001, Chávez enacted the Organic Hydrocarbons Law (Decreto con Fuerza de Lay Organica de Hidrocarburos), which reasserted and strengthened state control over upstream hydrocarbons activities and revised the fiscal and contractual terms for private participation, increasing the role of the state in oil and gas development. This shift raised concerns among some foreign investors and oil companies, including U.S. firms ExxonMobil and Chevron, and they lobbied the government to take a firmer stance against Chávez.
In 2002, a coup temporarily deposed Hugo Chávez. Although he was restored to power two days later, he accused the United States government of being linked to the coup and attempting to overthrow him to pursue U.S. strategic and economic interests, an allegation Washington denied. This event marked a significant shift in bilateral relations between the two countries and pushed Venezuela to pursue stronger relations with other countries, such as Russia and China.
Following the death of Chávez in 2013, Nicolás Maduro succeeded him and relations between the U.S. and Venezuela continued to deteriorate. In 2015, Barack Obama declared Venezuela a national security threat and imposed targeted sanctions on several Venezuelan officials. The Obama administration stated that these sanctions were aimed at Maduro government officials that the U.S. accused of violating human rights. Over the next few years, the White House continued to toughen economic sanctions and oil embargoes on Venezuela as a response to the ongoing human rights crisis and contested Maduro election. These sanctions on oil imports have contributed to the collapse of Venezuela’s economy and continuous instability within the region.
With the re-election of Donald Trump, the administration has focused on combating drugs and narcotics that enter the United States. In early 2025, Trump accused Maduro and his administration of working with Tren de Aragua and orchestrating drug trafficking and illegal immigration into the United States despite U.S. intelligence agencies saying otherwise. From mid to late 2025, the United States began to build-up its military presence in the Caribbean and conduct military campaigns and airstrikes such as Operation Southern Spear. Moreover, despite the recent capture of Maduro, the U.S. military continues to carry out airstrikes against suspected drug trafficking vessels within the region. These operations have disrupted Venezuelan oil exports, killed more than 100 people, and put pressure on the country’s already fragile economy.
This escalation of tensions culminated on January 3 when the United States conducted large-scale military strikes on Caracas as part of an operation called “Absolute Resolve”, that culminated in Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, being captured and transported to New York on drug trafficking charges (which U.S. officials framed as narco-terroism. In the aftermath, Delcy Rodriguez was sworn in as Venezuela’s interim president. Under pressure from the U.S., Rodriguez has advocated for opening of the crucial state-run oil industry to more foreign investment. The Trump administration declared that the United States would be in charge of Venezuela and U.S. firms would help develop the country’s oil reserves while reclaiming “stolen” U.S. oil money.
U.S. control over Venezuela’s oil reserves will affect the global markets and how major buyers and creditors engage with Venezuela. Within this framework, the U.S. has allowed China to continue buying Venezuelan oil, but on the condition that the prices must follow fair market value. This approach both limits China’s strategic leverage within Venezuela while avoiding a direct confrontation that would disrupt global energy markets.
It is crucial to consider the broader geopolitical and economic implications of this aggressive maritime activity within the Caribbean, particularly its impact on international legal norms and regional stability. The interceptions and strikes on these vessels and tankers, along with the recent abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, has provoked intense debate over international law and state sovereignty throughout the world. While United States officials have framed these operations as lawful sanctions and enforcement for regional security measures, many countries and international organizations have denounced them as violations of the UN Charter and national sovereignty. This debate is amplified by fears that powerful states may follow suit and invoke similar justifications to intervene elsewhere, for instance a potential confrontation over Taiwan by China.
Complicating Venezuela’s position more is the large amount of debt obligations, particularly due to Chinese oil-for-loan arrangements. Under Maduro, Venezuela would ship crude oil to China in exchange for credit, creating billions of dollars in debt. However, with the planned U.S. control of Venezuela’s oil exports, this could upend the hierarchy of creditors and put the debt in limbo. This puts heightened tensions between the United States and China over creditor rights and global financial norms. The Trump administration’s push to open Venezuela’s oil industry to U.S. companies represents a major shift within the global energy landscape.
This dynamic ties back to historical U.S. foreign policy frameworks such as the Monroe Doctrine. This doctrine has been used to justify military actions and interventions to protect U.S. interests and ensure regional security. Some analysts and world leaders interpret the operation in Venezuela as a reaffirmation of the U.S.’ longstanding sphere of influence within the Western Hemisphere, whereas Trump himself defended the operation as strengthening America and ensuring an “America First” strategy.
The long-term effects of these actions could reshape the geopolitics of Venezuela and the Caribbean region. Even after Maduro’s capture, the U.S. military continues to carry out airstrikes against suspected drug trafficking vessels. This continued escalation will not only continue to undermine international laws and norms but risk potential further destabilization and prolonged conflict within the region.
This issue’s Spotlight was written by Jules Montanez, Part Time Research Assistant Intern at ICAS.
Government Releases & Other Press Statements
Analyses & Opinions
Other Research
From Rules To Bargains
by Nong Hong
January 12, 2026
In the first week of 2026, three very different headlines landed virtually on top of each other: Washington publicly revived talk of acquiring Greenland, raising immediate questions inside the transatlantic alliance; the United States launched a major operation in Venezuela that sparked an unusually sharp debate about its legality under the UN Charter; and Kyiv’s partners in Paris discussed “security guarantees” and postwar recovery at the same time that reconstruction estimates—now widely cited at around $524 billion—hang over every negotiation…
Greenland’s Stress Test Of Nato Will Ripple Beyond The Arctic
by Nong Hong
January 18, 2026
Talk of the United States acquiring Greenland has often been dismissed as rhetorical provocation. But the latest escalation is harder to wave away. President Donald Trump said it would be “unacceptable” if the US did not control Greenland only hours before Vice-President J.D. Vance hosted the Danish and Greenlandic foreign ministers.
When territorial language is paired with senior-level diplomacy, it forces allies to draw public red lines, narrows the space for quiet crisis management, and turns what might have been a bargaining posture into a credibility contest…
The Greenland Myth: Why Invasion Talk Misleads
by Nong Hong
January 20, 2026
US President Donald Trump’s remark that Russia or China could “occupy Greenland” has pulled the territory back into the centre of global geopolitics. The phrase is rhetorically potent but strategically imprecise. It frames Greenland as an object to be seized, when the more consequential contest is about alliance governance, early warning and sensing, long-horizon Arctic connectivity, and the rules that shape future resource development.
A useful starting point is to separate a low-probability “occupation” scenario from the higher-probability dynamics already visible: influence, positioning and institutional choices. Greenland is unlikely to be occupied in any conventional sense…
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