ICAS Trade ‘n Tech Dispatch (online ISSN 2837-3863, print ISSN 2837-3855) is published about every two weeks throughout the year at 1919 M St NW, Suite 310, Washington, DC 20036.
The online version of ICAS Trade ‘n Tech Dispatch can be found at chinaus-icas.org/icas-trade-technology-program/tnt-dispatch/.
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The Trump administration’s reciprocal tariffs amount to a second unilateral ‘war of choice’ by America during the first quarter of the 21st century. Like its predecessor war in Iraq which doomed the political fate of America’s neoconservative cohort, the failure of this newest unilateral ‘war of choice’ will also reverberate within U.S. domestic politics for a long time to come. The international trading system will be poorer off too, given the sheer frivolousness of the Trump-Navarro action. In the last 100 years, the two great periods of U.S. tariff raises – the Smoot-Hawley tariffs in the early 1930s and the Nixon Shock of the early 1970s – were both precipitated by a breakdown of the international monetary order of the day, leading to structural misalignments in currency rates and ‘beggar thy neighbor’ charges of trade self-preferencing. This time around, the U.S. dollar is just marginally overvalued and the monetary order more or less undisturbed – conditions that are hardly suited to sparking a trade war. In any case, before the Trump-Navarro reciprocal tariffs become a permanent reality, they will likely have to pass legal muster at home. This is not a given. The tariffs cite the IEEPA and trace their emergency authority to deal with an “unusual and extraordinary threat” from the “War and National Defense” title of the U.S. Code. Whether longstanding trade deficits with all and sundry, including allies and partners, truly amounts to a national emergency or whether the measure, rather, amounts to an unlawful “claim to discover in a long-extant statute an unheralded power to regulate a significant portion of the American economy” remains to be seen. The tariffs will surely be tested first in domestic court – even if the WTO’s dispute settlement body is unable to issue a definitive verdict, given the lack of a quorum on its Appellate Body.
Expanded Reading
In One Sentence
Mark the Essentials
Keeping an Eye On…
The U.S. shipbuilding sector’s woes are for real, with the industry being a shell of its former self. In the 1950s, before the rise of Japanese, Korean and Chinese shipbuilders, U.S. shipyards churned out the largest number of vessels; today, U.S. shipyards produce less than 1% of the world’s commercial fleet. And it is equally true that Chinese shipbuilders have benefited from enormous government subsidies, which has reallocated global production in its favor. But this having been said, the roots of the slow demise of the U.S. shipbuilding sector can be traced much closer to home – and, specifically, in the aggressive protectionism sought and handed down to the domestic industry for a century and counting. The most notorious of these laws, the Jones Act of 1920, restricts all domestic seaborne transportation of goods to ships built, owned and operated by U.S. nationals (with very limited exceptions). And for as long as the U.S. has signed free trade agreements with other countries dating back to the 1980s, the shipbuilding sector and related cabotage laws have been carved from the purview of reciprocal trade concessions. Cosseted behind tall protectionist walls and having chosen to subsist on a captive domestic market, the competitiveness of U.S. shipbuilding has eroded to the point that U.S.-built vessels today cost an estimated four to five times that of vessels built in foreign shipyards. So, will the executive and legislative branch actions lead to a turnaround in the fate of this sector? With dedicated effort, perhaps yes. And then also, only up-to-a-point. But if the exactions on Chinese operated or built vessels are imprudently enforced or mandates requiring a portion of commercial trade to be moved aboard U.S.-flag vessels drawn up with hasty timelines, the consequences for U.S. agricultural exporters could be dire. Already, bulk grain exporters have seen a 40% increase in freight cost following the initiation of the Section 301 probe. And in which case, the retaliatory ag. tariffs stemming from Trump’s trade war might turn out to be the lesser of two headaches insofar as U.S. farmers and ranchers are concerned.
Expanded Reading
Legislative Developments
Hearings and Statements
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