The Government of Maldives, located in the capital city of Malé on the Male Atoll, is made up of almost two dozen active ministries, agencies and public bodies that specialize in issues ranging from environment, climate change, education, arts, and culture, to technology, finance and defense. Most of these ministries’ websites appear active, including regular updates on all the activities, addresses, and agreements that the Maldivian government is currently conducting.
Unsurprisingly, the Maldives’ economy and society primarily relies on tourism, which makes up 28% of its GDP. For instance, 1.2 million tourists came in 2014—30.2% of them being from China—and they collectively spent $2.6 billion during their stay. The Maldives Monetary Authority and its partner ministries are very attentive to its economic status and progress, releasing economic updates and monthly statistics reports that include tourist arrivals, tourist bed nights, exports (nearly all of which are fish or fisheries products), imports (most of which are food and beverage, fuel and lubricants, machinery or transportation products), pensions, and even offenses reported to the police, among other figures of interest.
Other than its tourism industry and growing internal disputes over socioeconomic disparities, the Maldivian government’s primary attention for more than a decade has been on climate security—especially about the rising sea levels from melting polar ice caps. In November 2008, the then-president—and the first democratically elected president—of the Maldives Mohamed Nasheed even shared plans to set aside the nation’s tourist revenue to purchase land for his 300,000 strong population to live on once the sea levels rise too high. “We can do nothing to stop climate change on our own, so we have to buy land elsewhere. It’s an insurance policy for the worst possible outcome,” he said on the eve of his inauguration. This issue remains at the top of the government’s list of concerns today and will even make a strong appearance in the Maldives’ upcoming Defence White Paper, which is currently being drafted.
Despite the small size of their nation, representatives of the Maldavian government have been very active at the international and regional levels, working to establish connections and partnerships on common issues. For instance, this June the Maldivian Minister of Defence Uza. Mariya Didi gave an address at the 19th Shangri-La Dialogue’s Special Session on Climate Security and Green Defence, highlighting Maldavian President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s “razor-sharp focus” on the climate change fight “on the global stage, despite growing security worries and the challenges of keeping Maldives on the track of democratic consolidation.”
On the climate security front, aside from speaking at a variety of regional and international groups and forums, Maldivians are already working to prepare for rising sea levels with projects like the Maldives Floating City; a project that was jointly designed by a company in the Netherlands and is a finalist in the MIPIM Awards (also known as the “Oscars for Global Development”).
The last two years have also witnessed a “tremendous” expansion in U.S.-Maldives relations; especially in defense and security. On September 11, 2020, representatives from the United States and the Maldives signed a defense and security pact which was called “an important milestone” by Minister Didi. In response, the Maldivian Ministry of Defense tweeted that the pact “will add immense value to the excellent US-Maldives partnership defined by shared principles & interests in peace & security” of the Indo-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions. Notably, this pact also included a mutual commitment to a “free and open Indo-Pacific,” which has now become a meaningful phrase to use. This pact also led to an inaugural U.S.-Maldives Defense and Security Dialogue on January 5, 2021 and a signing ceremony of the Montana National Guard State Partnership Program on April 4, 2022, both in Malé.
Notably, this 2020 pact follows a 2013 draft agreement on a Status of Forces Agreement, which was agreed to by the two parties but ultimately discouraged by India on the basis that such an agreement would make way for a similar agreement between the Maldives and China. The 2020 pact, however, is reportedly supported by India, though some observers have still wondered what the pact means for the Maldives’ northern neighbor. One researcher directly points towards “the growing challenge from an aggressive China in the Indo-Pacific region” as India’s shift in support for this defense pact.
Though on the outlying border of the region and not yet a part of regional forums like ASEAN, it is officially part of Asia. Its government is active in regional politics. And, despite its dispersed set of islands and atolls, the Maldives’ location in the center of the Indian Ocean is a strategically sound checkpoint for any nation interested in the Indian Ocean region to be connected with.
Furthermore, between the Maldives’ long-time expertise and interest in and the Biden administration’s—and the world’s—heavy push towards climate security, it would not be surprising to see the Maldives be given more space at the international table. As one of the first nations to have to deal with rising sea levels, it has already proven itself to be a leader in innovative problem-solving with projects like the Maldives Floating City. It would also not be surprising to see an increase in promotions for Maldivian tourism in the United States or support for infrastructure projects, as a show of improving bilateral relations.
Maldivian Minister of Defence Mariya has been a particularly popular voice for the Maldives, appearing at regional and international conferences on maritime, security, climate, and even civil rights issues. It appears that Minister Mariya and the rest of the Maldivian government are working to make sure that the Maldives continues to have a meaningful seat at the table. Especially recently, as its partnership with the United States has been growing, Maldivian representatives have been promoting the ideas of “building trust and friendships through defence partnerships” created alongside a “shared vision for a rules-based international order;” a key phrase that has become as popularized and labeling to its user as a “free and open Indo-Pacific” has. If Malé continues to choose to affirm these phrases, and continues to create partnerships and hold dialogues with U.S. representatives—on climate, security, trade, or any other kind of issue—then Washington may soon be able to officially call the Maldives—a nation situated in the heart of the vital Indian Ocean—a reliable, key partner; if it does not already.
This Spotlight was originally released with Volume 1, Issue 6 of the ICAS MAP Handbill, published on July 26, 2022.
This issue’s Spotlight was written by Jessica Martin, ICAS Research Associate & Chief Editor of the MAP Handbill.
Maritime Affairs Program Spotlights are a short-form written background and analysis of a specific issue related to maritime affairs, which changes with each issue. The goal of the Spotlight is to help our readers quickly and accurately understand the basic background of a vital topic in maritime affairs and how that topic relates to ongoing developments today.
There is a new Spotlight released with each issue of the ICAS Maritime Affairs Program (MAP) Handbill – a regular newsletter released the last Tuesday of every month that highlights the major news stories, research products, analyses, and events occurring in or with regard to the global maritime domain during the past month.
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