ICAS Trade ‘n Tech Dispatch (online ISSN 2837-3863, print ISSN 2837-3855) is published about every two weeks throughout the year at 1919 M St NW, Suite 310, Washington, DC 20036.
The online version of ICAS Trade ‘n Tech Dispatch can be found at chinaus-icas.org/icas-trade-technology-program/tnt-dispatch/.
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The Trump administration had earlier mounted a spirited defense of its tariffs, with even Secretary of State Rubio, Treasury Secretary Bessent, Commerce Secretary Lutnick, and U.S. Trade Representative Greer making individual submissions in defense of the administration’s position to the Court of International Trade (CIT). The administration’s chain of logic ran essentially thus: the U.S.’ large and persistent current account deficits have led to a hollowing out of domestic manufacturing, which constitutes an “unusual and extraordinary threat” and rises to being a “national emergency”. The emergency is no mere trade policy emergency; it is a full-blown security and foreign policy-linked one. While Congress is constitutionally tasked with regulating trade and commerce, on foreign and security policy matters, it is the president who enjoys extensive powers, and a “measure of skepticism” of “unheralded power” that is supposedly being usurped by the president to regulate a significant portion of the U.S. economy is not warranted. Besides, Congress, and not the judiciary, is the appropriate review body. A declaration of an emergency under the National Emergencies Act (NEA) is a non-justiciable political question that needs to be resolved by the political branches (the same argument has been marshaled at the WTO’s dispute settlement body in defense of the U.S.’ “essential security interest” argument) and not by judicial organs. Congress enjoys fast track procedures in this regard to terminate a president’s national emergency declaration – and, in the current instance, has chosen not to do so. As such, the courts must lay off too. More lately, the administration’s cabinet appointees have tacked on the argument that negotiations with dozens of countries on the strength of the IEEPA-authorized tariffs to address the “national emergency” are in a delicate state. Voiding the legal basis of the administration’s tariffs would do irreparable harm to the foreign and security policy interests of the U.S.
Well, we shall have to wait and see now if the voiding of the tariffs really amounts to the “foreign policy disaster scenario” that US Trade Representative Greer alluded to in his submission. One thing is clear though: the administration’s argument that the tariffs are no mere trade policy instrument but relate rather to foreign and security policy matters – and are hence amenable to the president’s emergency powers authority – has fallen flat at its first test. Tariffs are a trade and commercial policy issue and must be dealt with authorities, including national security authorities such as Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, that fall under the “Customs Duties” title of the U.S. Code – not the “War and National Defense” title of the U.S. Code. Going forward, it is a certainty that the Trump administration will appeal the ruling while hoping to keep the tariffs in effect during litigation (the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit has temporarily stayed the CIT’s judgment). It remains to be seen if the administration also takes recourse to Section 122 during the interim. But if the administration insists on fighting to the bitter end, it will likely find an uncooperative Supreme Court which has ceased to defer blindly to executive authority and the administrative state over the past decade or so. So much for the half-life of the radioactive “Liberation Day” tariffs!
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