ICAS Trade ‘n Tech Dispatch (online ISSN 2837-3863, print ISSN 2837-3855) is published about every two weeks throughout the year at 1919 M St NW, Suite 310, Washington, DC 20036.
The online version of ICAS Trade ‘n Tech Dispatch can be found at chinaus-icas.org/icas-trade-technology-program/tnt-dispatch/.
In One Sentence
Mark the Essentials
Keeping an Eye On…
The bigger picture story of the DeepSeek shockwave is that of the coming of age of China’s S&T capabilities. The country has always had immense S&T aptitude. The buildout of a broad-based manufacturing base (like its East Asian peers) is now providing the foundation as well as the clay for this latent aptitude to work mind-bending discoveries and breakthroughs. Much like China enjoyed gleaming advanced economy-quality infrastructure a decade ago, even as it was a developing country with modest per capita incomes, China today possesses an advanced economy-level S&T ecosystem even as it is still a mere upper middle-income country. A country with 1/6th the per capita income of the U.S. should not be a scientific ‘near-peer’. But it is. Come 2035 and 2050, one can only imagine the scale of China’s tech and scientific breakthroughs. Going forward, China’s best strategy is to remain in the slipstream of the American tech dynamo. From AI to quantum to space, staying as a ‘near-peer’ that is leashed competitively to the Americans means that U.S. innovation will carry China along to a promised land of S&T breakthroughs that is inhabited by only two players – the Americans and the Chinese, with the rest of the world left far behind. For an upper middle-income economy, this is plenty.
As for the U.S., the long arch of its strategic trade controls is already bending in China’s favor, contrary to Washington’s purposes. The export controls will come to be seen in time as having done more to concentrate minds in Beijing to foster domestic S&T self-sufficient capabilities, including in core technologies, than any ‘Made in China 2025’ plan could have achieved. As China reforms its own S&T ecosystem, including the state’s weak investment in basic research as well as the relative lack of backward linkages between industry and academia/public research, the capability for breakthroughs will only increase manyfold. U.S. administrations and its Commerce Department would do well to internalize, in this regard, a hard eternal truth (that has typically been learnt during blockades in wartime): that there are no essential products, only essential uses, and that necessity – the mother of invention – will almost always furnish alternative pathways to a gifted competitor. DeepSeek is a demonstration of how software ingenuity can compensate for hardware constraints (high-performance AI chips) and how novel approaches to architecture and training strategies can provide alternative pathways to developing cutting-edge LLMs (large language models) that provide just-as-satisfactory end-uses.
It’s game-on in U.S.-China S&T competition. This new tech race is young, waves of technological innovation will keep washing up on both shores of the Pacific, and nobody is about to throw in the towel anytime soon. Hopefully, the diffusion of its many benefits will spread far and wide and leave most better off.
Expanded Reading
In One Sentence
Mark the Essentials
Keeping an Eye On…
Be that as it may, at this early date when the first shots have just been fired (and some pulled back), it is once again useful to recapitulate the philosophical, practical and political drivers of Mr. Trump’s obsession with the tariff instrument. In the president’s view, goods that are consumed in the U.S. must be produced at home using American workers. To the extent that some of these goods must be imported from overseas, an equivalent dollar amount of American goods should be purchased by that relevant country. At day’s end, bilateral trade should be balanced. Anything less is a ‘loss’ for the U.S. And, hence, his dislike of the sort of large bilateral trade surpluses run by China, and his sense of personal affront when they are especially run by allies and partners, such as the European Union, Canada, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, which happen to doubly benefit from expensive treaty-underwritten or implicit U.S. defense guarantees. This amounts to a “double screw” of America, “a real trick”, in Trump’s own words.
From a practical standpoint, tariffs backed by the heft of the American consumers’ purchasing power provides useful leverage to instigate dealmaking with foreign countries on a variety of trade and non-trade concerns – be it striking up quantitative purchase targets of U.S. goods to balance trade, bending foreigners to equalize tariff levels with that of the U.S.’ to level the playing field, or shutting down illegal immigration and drug trafficking passageways. In the post-CHIPS Act/IRA era, tariffs can also be a useful and cost-free industrial policy tool to reshore production, rather than have to dispense massive grants or subsidies to foreigners. Besides, in his view, the last time (almost) across-the-board tariffs were imposed on China and more selectively but universally on steel and aluminum items, the U.S. economy still came away with a healthy economy and the fastest real wage gains of any presidency in the 21st century. So why wouldn’t it be the case again in Trump 2.0? And the Treasury earned handsome revenues too. As for the politics of tariffs, isn’t the ‘forgotten man’ a white, non-college educated, non-unionized worker who resides in a small or medium size-town town in a purple state? Tariff protectionism fits in just right.
There is much that can be challenged about President Donald Trump’s philosophical and practical view of the value of tariffs. But that’s a conversation for another day. As for now, and as a new round of trade wars in Trump 2.0 gets underway, it is worth recapitulating these drivers of Mr. Trump’s own thinking on the issue.
Expanded Reading
Legislative Developments
Hearings and Statements
Expanded Reading
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